Technology in Classrooms Essay Example for Free

Technology in Classrooms Essay Tablets. Smartphones. Smartboards. The biggest issue society will have to face in the near future is effectively incorporating technology into public schools. There is a mass of new equipment being thrown haphazardly into classrooms. But do teachers know how best to use it, or are they left drowning, trying to determine how to avoid the increased number of student distractions that inevitably accompany it? This is the newest challenge. How much is too much? Technology has the potential to revolutionize the classroom if used correctly, but it could also be severely detrimental to the education of our students. Initially, the most difficult part is discovering all of the possible uses for the new equipment. A tablet, for instance, is usually used for playing games, checking email, and using social media. For some subjects, it is easier to relate these uses productively to the curriculum than it is for others. A common example is English versus math. In an English class, a tablet can be used for projects, researching information, working collaboratively with other students via email, social media, or both. In a math class, this same tablet appears to be more of a hindrance than a help. Typing math symbols is more effort than it’s worth, games always seem more interesting than learning the lesson, and there aren’t usually research projects about algebra. Despite these obvious barriers however, tablets can actually become a useful tool in all classrooms. There are many apps that can aide in learning, and more are being created every day. â€Å"Factor Factory†, â€Å"Picturing Fractions†, and â€Å"Khan Academy† can all be helpful in a math classroom, especially on a review day. Khan Academy is especially useful for students, as it has coherent lessons for several different subjects, and many levels within each. There are apps for teachers as well, including some for monitoring students’ progress and aides for planning lessons. All in all, having tablets in the classroom for student use can be exceedingly beneficial. What about smartphones? Many students carry an iphone, an Android, or some similar device with them daily. How can they be used in the classroom? Several teachers choose not to deal with them at all because they can be such a distraction. Texting, checking social media websites, and playing games can interfere with learning, so these teachers practice â€Å"phone surrender†, requiring students to place their phone in a designated container at the beginning of class each day and only retrieve them at the very end. While this does seem to help students focus, there must be a way to use the phones productively instead. The same apps convenient for tablets are also available for smartphones, so students can make use of online flashcards for studying, or watch video tutorials. Some students can text faster than they can write, so taking notes on a smartphone could be potentially easier. If a student misses class and needs to copy that day’s notes, the camera feature can come in very handy. These phones can even record a lecture, eliminating the need for the old fashioned tape recorder still used by some college students. This recording can then be easily shared with the class for those who are auditory learners. Instead of fleeing from these handy little devices, perhaps it would be better to embrace them in classrooms. Finally, there are new tools for the teachers. Just as document cameras eliminated the necessity for the overhead projector, smartboards are becoming more and more common replacements for the document camera. Not so long ago, a whiteboard that doubled as a touch-screen computer was completely out of the question. They seemed like some technology to be acquired in the far distant future, akin to flying cars and teleportation machines. Now, they’re quickly working their way into classrooms, and it’s time to consider how to practically apply them. Not all teachers have a class set of tablets or laptops at their disposal, but a smartboard is a good alternative. These interactive whiteboards can be used in many ways. First, they eliminate the need to scan notes onto the computer; with a smartboard, notes can be immediately saved to a folder on the desktop. This means no more scanners required in classrooms, as well as less hassle for teachers. Next, they can be used for lectures. The ability to switch between webpages and program windows with just a tap is priceless. Teachers are now able to switch over to an interactive visual on a website, then back to the notes, and then over to a short video, all without ever leaving the front of the classroom, and students can do the same while giving presentations. Allowing students to work examples on the board has always enhanced learning, and now these tactile learners can interact with problems even easier. In a physics class, projectile motion can be easily demonstrated on the whiteboard by switching to an internet window with a simulator and adjusting variables such as height, weight, and velocity to see the effects on distance and time. No more confusing diagrams drawn by non-artistic physics majors! A geometry class could also discover 3D shapes more easily this way. The possibilities are endless. It just takes a little exploring to discover everything these interactive whiteboards can do for us, and that is a task the teachers are going to have to tackle soon. Technology is everywhere, and upcoming generations will be more immersed in it than ever. In the next decade or two, it is time to embrace it in schools. So many students could be benefitting from it if teachers would keep an open mind instead of becoming overwhelmed by the onslaught of new programs and equipment they find themselves trying to adapt to. Education is such an important topic because these students will one day grow up to lead the country. The teacher’s job is to provide them with the best education possible to prepare them for the challenges they will face as adults in their lives and careers.

An Analysis Of The Asean Regional Forum Politics Essay

An Analysis Of The Asean Regional Forum Politics Essay The end of the Cold War brought a fundamental change of security environment in Asia. As the East-West confrontation ended, US security policies became unclear. A power vacuum had been created in the region after the Soviet armed forces withdrew from Far East and Indochina, and the Chinese political influence was rapidly increasing. A multilateral forum for regional security was therefore ASEANs solution to the challenges that arose. In spite of the end of the Cold War, Asia still had problems such as tension on the Korean Peninsula, territorial disputes over the Spratly Islands, civil war in Cambodia and tension across the Taiwan Straits. These were problems that posed the threat of becoming severely destabilizing factors in the region. Although the United States had become the worlds only military superpower, in terms to burden sharing, its domestic economic problems as well as the global nature of all its affairs placed more demand on Asian countries. Therefore, Asian nations were preoccupied with this new set of circumstances in terms of security and how to get through the post-Cold War transitional period, while maintaining stability in Asia and ensuring its further development. The fundamental views of that emerged in the context of the above security threat were: In an uncertain post-Cold War era, promotion of confidence-building measures among Asian countries will be increasingly necessary. The Asia Pacific region will soon be facing new global issues such as the environment, terrorism, and drug trafficking. In order to address such issues, a regional cooperative framework is crucial and should be enhanced. The late 1980s and early 1990s marked a period of strategic shifts and uncertainty for Southeast Asia. Incorporating China and Japan into the web of interdependence with the rest of the region became imperative. It was recognised that United States engagement in the Asia Pacific region is indispensable for the stability and prosperity of the region. Thus, the ARF emerged. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is the principal forum for security dialogue in Asia, complementing the various bilateral alliances and dialogues. It provides a setting in which members can discuss current regional security issues and develop cooperative measures to enhance peace and security in the region. It draws together 27 countries which that include the 10 ASEAN member states (Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam). To begin with, it is not hard to miss that the ARFs scope in terms of its member states goes far beyond South East Asia such that it includes a large number the developed and emerging powers of the world. In my view, this is an important characteristic of the ARF, which makes it unique compared to other security forums around the world. The reason behind this could be the idea of collective security. Most conflicts tend to involve national interests of major powers of the world. Therefore, their inclusion in the forum in a way ensures their consent or commitment towards peace and stability in the region. Formation of the ARF The ASEAN Regional Forum was primarily the outcome of states response to regional security problems that emerged post Cold War. The reasons for its formation can be looked via the two contrasting lenses of Realism and Idealism in order to grasp a wider interpretation. According to Realism, state action is a result of it national interests and a constant security dilemma that it faces. The concern for security motivates states to behave in a certain way, which in this case, was to come together and form a multilateral institution. Post-Cold War, there was a concern about changing strategic situation of South East Asia, wherein there was the fear that the attention and aid that the United States had showered during and before the Cold War would wane away. Moreover, the rapidly rising power of China was extremely worrisome and there was still a trust deficit that existed among the ASEAN countries and Japan- a hangover of Second World War ASEAN saw the ARF as a way to keep the US in, and China and Japan down. Moreover, the ARF could be seen as ASEANs way to maintain a balance of Power among the South East Asian Nations themselves. However, the realist interpretation of ARFs formation has a serious limitation. While it explains why the ARF was formed, it fails to explain why the forum was formed in spite of different interests that persisted among the ASEAN nations. What motivates countries to come together and trust each other, in spite of having varying goals and the constant security dilemma that was mentioned above. This limitation in explaining ARFs formation can be overcome by the explanation provided by the Idealist School of Thought. Idealists hold the view that shared norms and principals, as well as shared security concerns is what brought the ASEAN countries together to conjure up the idea of this forum. In an uncertain post-Cold War era, promotion of confidence-building measures among Asian countries became increasingly necessary. A serious threat was perceived to be posed by new global issues such as the environment, terrorism, and drug trafficking. In order to address such issues, a regional coope rative framework is crucial and should be enhanced. However, it is important to note that these nations didnt come together based on the above realization by themselves. Important track 2 level actors were involved to bring about this realisation about these shared norms, mutual benefits of forming ARF such as ASEAN-ISIS (Institutes of Strategic International Studies). Even so, besides the above reasons behind ARFs formation, what was it that motivated the major powers to join this forum? The consensus of the US is believed to be a result of US strategic reorientation post Cold War. The United States viewed ARF as a useful device to rein in China. Also, it saw the forum as an alternative way to deal with Asia-Pacific regional security without invoking bilateral ties which may have provoked China. Chinas joining is attributed to the fact that Beijing no longer saw multilateralism as a noose around its neck, but as an opportunity to make itself heard and understood by its neighbors on security and economic matters. This was a major change from Chinas view in the early 1990s. It is important to look deeply into the intricacies involved in the formation of the ARF because it gives us a deeper insight in the organizations role in Conflict Prevention and Confidence Building, which are important elements of Peacebuilding. The idea of forming a policy-oriented, security related dialogue with ASEAN at the centre- first proposed at ASEAN-Post Minstrel Conference (PMC) in Kuala Lumpur in July 1991. In January, 1992, an agreement was reached to strengthen political and security dialogue with non-ASEAN countries. In July, 1993, an agreement was reached to establish ARF, to include China and Russia. Finally, in July, 1994, 1st ASEAN Regional Forum was held in Bangkok. The Deepening of the ARF- Guiding Principles At the inaugural ARF in 1994, eighteen foreign ministers conducted a free discussion, without a prepared agenda or speech text. It served well to increase mutual understanding among the participants. Russia was unexpectedly active, while the Chinese attitude was cautious. China negatively reacted to the idea of using ARF to deal with specific security issues such as North Korean nuclear capability. After the discussion, though, all involved shared the view that the time was ripe to have security talks at the government level. They agreed to adopt the following as guiding principles for future dialogue. The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia: It was signed in Bali Summit of 1976, responsible for changing ASEANs vision and future course. The United Nations Charter The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which are as follows: Mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity and national identity of all participating nations;  · The right of every state to lead its national existence free from external interference, subversion or coercion;  · Non-interference in the internal affairs of one another;  · Settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful means;  · Renunciation of the threat or use of force. The Zone Of Peace, Freedom And Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in Southeast Asia: This Declaration committed all ASEAN members to exert efforts to secure the recognition of and respect for South East Asia as a Zone of Peace, free from any manner of interference by outside powers. The Declaration called upon all members to broaden the areas of cooperation which would contribute to their strength, solidarity and closer relationships. The concept of the South East Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (SEANWFZ): At the Bangkok Summit (1994), the ASEAN leaders signed the Treaty on the South East Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone, stressing its determination to contribute towards general and complete disarmament and the promotion of international peace and security. The Treaty also aimed at protecting the region from environmental pollution and the hazards caused by radioactive waste and other toxic materials. In its first sixteen years, the ARF has focused on confidence building measures and has made modest gains in building a sense of strategic community. But efforts to develop tools of preventive diplomacy and conflict management are still at an early stage. At the ARF Ministerial Meeting in July 2009, a Vision Statement was endorsed providing a roadmap to guide the direction of the ARF to 2020.   The Statement includes an undertaking to develop an ARF preventive diplomacy capacity.   In order to achieve this, ARF Ministers agreed that a Work Plan for Preventive Diplomacy be developed in the 2009-10 ARF cycle. ARF meetings and processes The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has responsibility for ARF policy, in consultation with the Department of Defence. ARF meetings are held at Foreign Minister level, annually in July/August in conjunction with the ASEAN Post Ministerial Conference (PMC). The chair of ASEAN, which rotates on annual basis, is also the chair of the ARF. The principal formal ARF document is the ARF chairs statement issued after every ARF Ministerial meeting. The ARF is supported by the ARF Senior Officials Meeting which meets annually in May or June. Two ARF Intersessional Support Group (ISG) meetings on Confidence Building Measures and Preventive Diplomacy are also held at officials level each year, co-chaired by one ASEAN and one non-ASEAN member. Recommendations and outcomes of these ISG meetings feed into the ARF Senior Officials Meeting. The ARF conducts four Inter-Sessional Meetings (ISM) annually that represent focus areas of the forum. These are ISMs on Counter-Terrorism and Transnational Crime, Disaster Relief, Maritime Security, and Non-Proliferation and Disarmament. Second-track (non-official) institutions, such as the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) and the ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies (ASEAN ISIS), have been instrumental in generating ideas and inputs for ARF (first track) consideration. The second-track institutions and networks conduct a number of seminars and working groups on regional security issues, involving academics, security specialists and officials participating in a personal capacity. Through its discretionary grants program, the Department supports the activities of AUS-CSCAP (the Australian Member Committee of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific). The merit of track two level institutions is that they manage to deal with sensitive issues without creating tensions among states. This leads to fresh approaches, early warning mechanisms, etc. The inclusion of Track 2 level diplomacy is a unique feature of the ARF as a security forum. No other major security forum in the world employs this approach. ARFs Role in Conflict Resolution In ARFs 1995 concept paper it was recognized that the forum is relatively new and would take a gradual evolutionary approach towards building a conflict resolution capacity, rather than trying to tackle security challenges without having the appropriate capability to engage itself in the same. A consensus was reached on how this evolution can take place in three stages: Stage I : Promotion of Confidence-Building Measures Stage II: Development of Preventive Diplomacy Mechanisms Stage III: Development of Conflict-Resolution Mechanisms In the first 16 years since its inception, the ARFs activities have mainly revolved around building trust and confidence in the region, a practice whose basis lies in ASEANs well established practices of consultation and consensus (musyawarah and mufakat) The participants of the first ARF Ministerial Meeting in Bangkok in July 1994 agreed on the need to develop a more predictable and constructive pattern of relations for the Asia-Pacific region. In its initial phase, the ARF committed itself to therefore concentrate on enhancing, the trust and confidence amongst participants and thereby foster a regional environment conducive to maintaining the peace and prosperity of the region. In promoting confidence-building measures, the ARF adopted two complementary approaches. The first approach derives from ASEANs experience, which provides a valuable and proven guide for the ARF. ASEAN has succeeded in reducing, tensions among, its member states, promoting region cooperation and creating a regional climate conducive to peace and prosperity without the implementation of explicit confidence-building measures. ASEANs well established practices of consultation and consensus (musyawarah and mufakat) have been significantly enhanced by the regular exchanges of high-level visits among ASEAN countries. This pattern of regular visits has effectively developed into a preventive diplomacy channel. The second approach was the implementation of concrete confidence-building measures. The first ARF meeting, in Bangkok entrusted the next Chairman of the ARF, Brunei Darussalam, to study all the ideas presented by ARF participants and to also study other relevant internationally recognised norms, principles and practices. After extensive consultations, the ASEAN countries have prepared two lists of confidence-building measures. The first list spells out measures which can be explored and implemented by ARF participants in the immediate future. The second list is an indicative list of other proposals which can be explored over the medium and long-term by ARF participants and also considered in the immediate future by the Track Two process. These lists include possible preventive diplomacy and other measures. It was decided that given the delicate nature of many of the subjects being considered by the ARF, there was merit in moving the ARF process along two tracks. Track One activities will be carried out by governments. Track Two activities will be carried out by strategic institutes and non-government organisations in the region, such as ASEAN-ISIS and CSCAP. To be meaningful and relevant, the Track Two activities focus, as much as possible, on the current concerns of the ARF. The synergy between the two tracks would contribute greatly to confidence-building measures in the region. Over time, these Track Two activities should result in the creation of a sense of community among participants of those activities. This is another unique strategy adopted by the security forum in addition to its controversial strategy of non-interference. There remains a residue of unresolved territorial and other disputes that could be sources of tension or conflict. If the ARF is to become, over time, a meaningful vehicle to enhance the peace and prosperity of the region, it will have to demonstrate that it is a relevant instrument to be used in the event that a crisis or problem emerges. The ARF meeting in Bangkok demonstrated this by taking a stand on the Korean issue at the very first meeting. This was a signal that the ARF is ready to address any challenge to the peace and security of the region. Over time, the ARF must develop its own mechanisms to carry preventive diplomacy and conflict-resolution. In doing so, the ARF will face unique challenges. There are no established roads or procedures for it to follow. Without a high degree of confidence among ARF participants, it is unlikely that they will agree to the establishment of mechanisms which are perceived to be intrusive and/or autonomous. This is a political reality the ARF recognises. Conclusion It is clear from the above analysis that the ARF must be accepted as a sui generis Organisation. It has had no established precedents to follow and has carved out a unique path for itself as a security organisation. A great deal of innovation and ingenuity will be required to keep the ARF moving forward while at the same time ensure that it enjoys the support of its diverse participants. This is a major challenge both for the ASEAN countries and other ARF participants. The UN Secretary-Generals Agenda for Peace has recognised that just as no two regions or situations are the same, so the design of cooperative work and its division of labour must adjust to the realities of each case with flexibility and creativity. It has been 16 years in the formation of the ARF and in its first fifteen years, the ARF has focused on confidence building measures and has made modest gains in building a sense of strategic community and having achieved the status of being one of the most peaceful regions of the world. But efforts to develop tools of preventive diplomacy and conflict management are still at an early stage. And one can only wait and watch how the vision 2020 moves towards the 3rd stage of Conflict Resolution. ARFs approach has of course earned a lot of flak, especially for its policy of non interference. It is often argued and wondered as to how a security organization can ensure security in a region if it does not make efforts to stop internal conflicts. After all, in the present age of globalisation, even conflicts no longer restrict themselves to boundaries and are bound to become transnational sooner or later. The ARF has even earned the nick name of a talk shop in certain critiques. However, it is imperative to recognize that the ARF by running on the basis of ASEAN values has played a much more important role with regard to creating a basis of trust and confidence in order to achieve mutual benefits in the region. In the words of Winston Churchill, To jaw-jaw is better than to war-war. And this is where the ARF has scored. The fact remains that today, the region of South East Asia remains one of the most peaceful and stable regions in the world, and it has managed to do so, on the basis of shared norms and values rather than realpolitik. And the world can learn a lesson from that.

History of the Roman Empire :: essays research papers

Roman Empire, political system established by Rome that lasted for nearly five centuries. Historians usually date the beginning of the Roman Empire from 27 bc when the Roman Senate gave Gaius Octavius the name Augustus and he became the undisputed emperor after years of bitter civil war. At its peak the empire included lands throughout the Mediterranean world. Rome had first expanded into other parts of Italy and neighboring territories during the Roman Republic (509-27 bc), but made wider conquests and solidified political control of these lands during the empire. The empire lasted until Germanic invasions, economic decline, and internal unrest in the 4th and 5th centuries ad ended Rome’s ability to dominate such a huge territory. The Romans and their empire gave cultural and political shape to the subsequent history of Europe from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance to the present day. In 44 bc Gaius Julius Caesar, the Roman leader who ruled the Roman Republic as a dictator, was assassinated . Rome descended into more than ten years of civil war and political upheaval. After Caesar’s heir Gaius Octavius (also known as Octavian) defeated his last rivals, the Senate in 27 bc proclaimed him Augustus, meaning the exalted or holy one. In this way Augustus established the monarchy that became known as the Roman Empire. The Roman Republic, which had lasted nearly 500 years, was dead, never to be revived. The empire would endure for another 500 years until ad 476 (See Ancient Rome). The emperor Augustus reigned from 27 bc to ad 14 and ruled with absolute power. He reestablished political and social stability and launched two centuries of prosperity called the Roman Peace (Pax Romana). Under his rule the Roman state began its transformation into the greatest and most influential political institution in European history. During the first two centuries ad the empire flourished and added new territories, notably ancient Britain, Arabia, and Dacia (present-day Romania). People from the Roman provinces streamed to Rome, where they became soldiers, bureaucrats, senators, and even emperors. Rome developed into the social, economic, and cultural capital of the Mediterranean world. Despite the attention given to tyrannical and often vicious leaders like the emperors Caligula and Nero, most emperors ruled sensibly and competently until military and economic disasters brought on the political instability of the 3rd century ad. The Roman Empire encompassed a huge amount of territory, but also allowed people of many different cultures to retain their heritage into modern times.

The Great Gatsby by F. Scott Fitzgerald :: essays research papers

The Great Gatsby, written by F. Scott Fitzgerald 1.) Title: The Great Gatsby Published by: Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York Author: Scott Fitzgerald Where book was acquired: Wittenberg Library: Wausau Library. 2.) What type of book: Fiction, told in First Person. 3.) Characters: 1.) Nick Carraway: (Direct Character) Nick is the main character telling us the story. He attended college at Yale University, and started a bond business in New York. He lives in West Egg, Long Island, the low part of the Island, near his cousin Daisy, who lives in East Egg. His neighbor is Jay Gatsby, Daisy’s lover, and he dates Jordan Baker, Daisy’s best friend. He also hates where he lives. 2.) Daisy Buchanan: (Indirect Character) Daisy is Nick’s second cousin, once removed, and absolutely loves Nick. She tries to set him up with her best friend Jordan Baker. She also married Tom Buchanan, Nick’s old classmate from college, and lives in the upper part of Long Island called East Egg. She is a well-respected girl, and is still in love with her ex-lover Jay Gatsby. 3.) Tom Buchanan: (Indirect Character) He is Daisy’s husband, and, an old classmate of Nick’s. A well-known rich sophisticated, and yet snobby and racist, businessman. Tom is having an affair with young Myrtle Wilson. Tom has suspicions of his wife Daisy and Jay Gatsby having an affair. 4.) Jay Gatsby: (Indirect Character) He is a rich man who always throws parties, and lives next door to Nick’s summer house in West Egg. In the beginning he is a quiet, well-respected, rich man, but in the end it turns out he has a history of crime, and wasn’t at all who he said he was. Gatsby is having an affair with Daisy Buchanan, and is very jealous of her husband Tom. 5.) Jordan Baker: (Indirect character) Jordan is a woman who acts very unfeminine. She smokes, drinks, swears, and is also a pro-golfer. She is quite the "modern woman,† and has been friends with Daisy for a long time. Nick Carraway and her become involved. 6.) Myrtle Wilson: (Indirect Character) George Wilson’s wife and Tom Buchanan’s lover. Her and her husband operate a garage fixing, or pumping gas into cars. 4.) Two main conflicts: 1.) Gatsby vs. Tom: Both Tom and Gatsby are in love with Daisy. Daisy is Gatsby’s lover from the past, and they were supposed to get married, but lost contact. Gatsby wants to marry her now that he found her, but she is already married to Tom Buchanan.

All Quiet On The Western Front :: essays research papers

The story of several schoolmates who symbolize a generation destroyed by the dehumanisation of the First World War, All Quiet on the Western Front tells of the men who died, and the tragically changed lives of those who survived. Remarque follows the story of Paul Bà ¤umer, a young infantryman, from his last days of school to his death three years later. Whereas the journey motif is typically used to portray a positive character development, that of Paul is deliberately the opposite. In what has been dubbed the greatest antiwar novel of all time, Remarque depicts the way in which Paul is snatched away from humanity by the brutality of war. However while Paul and his comrades become separated from society, and begin to rely on their basic survival instincts, in their own surroundings they still show humane qualities such as compassion, camaraderie, support and remorse. Paul’s transformation from human to soldier begins in training camp, and is reinforced by the trauma at the front. His return home further alienates him from society, and Paul begins to feel safe at the front with his friends. Nonetheless throughout the novel suffering and mortality bare Paul’s true side, and he momentarily regains his former self. Bà ¤umer, the German word for tree, is an early indication that Paul must remain firmly rooted in reality to survive the brutality of war.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Even when the novel begins, all Paul has known is death, horror, fear, distress, and despair. He describes the other soldiers in his company, including his German school mates with whom he enlisted after constant lecturing from their school master, Kantorek. The pressures of nationalism and bravery had forced even the most reluctant students to enlist. However weeks of essential training caused any appeal the military may have held for them to be lost. Corporal Himmelstoss, the boys’ instructor, callously victimizes them with constant bed remaking, sweeping snow, softening stiff boot leather and crawling through the mud. While this seems to be somewhat cruel treatment, it was in fact beneficial for the soldiers. â€Å"†¦the most important result was that it awakened in us a strong, practical sense of esprit de corps, which in the field developed into the finest thing that arose out of the war – comradeship.† (p23) The time spent at training camp prepared the boys for what was to come, by making them tough and brutal, while at the same time creating an army that does not stop to question its orders.

What Influences Free Clinic Usage by the Uninsured

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Western Political thought: Machiavelli

Nicollo Machiavelli is one of the political thinkers that have contributed immensely to the development of the political thought. However, his thoughts and principles were a radical departure from those of his contemporaries. One of the political thoughts that were different from that of the past thinkers was on the morality of power. According to him morals cannot be used to judge the legitimate and illegitimate application of power. He claims that power and authority are equal variables and anyone that has power gains the right to give commands. He claimed that being good does not give one a moral authority and goodness does not give power to anyone. This view conflicts with the moralistic political theory that associated morality with authority (Nelson, 1995). Machiavelli criticizes the moralistic concept of authority saying that it does not add any value to power. The other political thought that was distant from the past thinkers was on the subject of law and force. Machiavelli first agreed with the past thinkers saying that good laws are important for an orderly political system. However he claimed that good people do not like following laws which means that for the good laws to work, there must be coercion. He wanted to imply that good laws have their legitimacy founded on the use of force. This thought appeared to be cruel, but in reality, laws cannot be legitimate if they are not accompanied by coercive force (Sydney, 2005). The last extreme thought by Machiavelli was on his treatment of politics. In opposition to the definition of the past thinkers who saw politics pragmatically. Machiavelli dismissed politics and an entity that could only be seen from the supremacy of powers that are coercive. The authority in politics according to him cannot exist independently and politics is all about gaining supremacy for personal interests (Nelson, 1995). Though Machiavellian political thoughts were different from those of the past thinkers, modern political theory is based on Machiavellian principles and thoughts. His eccentric thoughts have provided a foundation for the modern political theory.